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In the United States, junk science is any scientific data, research, or analysis considered to be spurious or fraudulent. The concept is often invoked in political and legal contexts where facts and scientific results have a great amount of weight in making a determination. It usually conveys a pejorative connotation that the research has been untowardly driven by political, ideological, financial, or otherwise unscientific motives. The concept was first invoked in relation to expert testimony in civil litigation. More recently, invoking the concept has been a tactic to criticize research on the harmful environmental or public health effects of corporate activities, and occasionally in response to such criticism. In these contexts, junk science is counterposed to the "sound science" or "solid science" that favors one's own point of view.〔 (Free full-text ).〕 This dichotomy has been particularly promoted by Steven Milloy and the Advancement of Sound Science Center, and is somewhat different from pseudoscience and fringe science. ==History== The phrase ''junk science'' appears to have been in use prior to 1985. A 1985 United States Department of Justice report by the Tort Policy Working Group noted: "The use of such invalid scientific evidence (commonly referred to as 'junk science') has resulted in findings of causation which simply cannot be justified or understood from the standpoint of the current state of credible scientific or medical knowledge."〔("Report of the Tort Policy Working Group on the causes, extent and policy implications of the current crisis in insurance availability and affordability" ) (Rep. No. 027-000-01251-5). (1986, February). Washington, D.C.: Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED274437) p.39:"Another way in which causation often is undermined — also an increasingly serious problem in toxic tort cases — is the reliance by judges and juries on non-credible scientific or medical testimony, studies or opinions. It has become all too common for 'experts' or 'studies' on the fringes of or even well beyond the outer parameters of mainstream scientific or medical views to be presented to juries as valid evidence from which conclusions may be drawn. The use of such invalid scientific evidence (commonly referred to as 'junk science') has resulted in findings of causation which simply cannot be justified or understood from the standpoint of the current state of credible scientific and medical knowledge. Most importantly, this development has led to a deep and growing cynicism about the ability of tort law to deal with difficult scientific and medical concepts in a principled and rational way."〕 In 1989, the climate scientist Jerry Mahlman (Director of the Geophysical Fluid Dynamics Laboratory) characterized the theory that global warming was due to solar variation (presented in ''Scientific Perspectives on the Greenhouse Problem'' by Frederick Seitz et al.) as "noisy junk science." Peter W. Huber popularized the term with respect to litigation in his 1991 book ''Galileo's Revenge: Junk Science in the Courtroom.'' The book has been cited in over 100 legal textbooks and references; as a consequence, some sources cite Huber as the first to coin the term. By 1997, the term had entered the legal lexicon as seen in an opinion by Supreme Court of the United States Justice John Paul Stevens: "An example of 'junk science' that should be excluded under the Daubert standard as too unreliable would be the testimony of a phrenologist who would purport to prove a defendant's future dangerousness based on the contours of the defendant's skull."〔General Electric Company v. Robert K. Joiner, No. 96–188, slip op. at 4 (U.S. December 15, 1997).〕Lower courts have subsequently set guidelines for identifying junk science, such as the 2005 opinion of United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit Judge Easterbrook: "Positive reports about magnetic water treatment are not replicable; this plus the lack of a physical explanation for any effects are hallmarks of junk science."〔Huber, P. W. (2001). Galileo's revenge: Junk science in the courtroom. New York: Basic Books. (Original work published 1991), 191.〕 As the subtitle of Huber's book, ''Junk Science in the Courtroom'', suggests, his emphasis was on the use or misuse of expert testimony in civil litigation. One prominent example cited in the book was litigation over casual contact in the spread of AIDS. A California school district sought to prevent a young boy with AIDS, Ryan Thomas, from attending kindergarten. The school district produced an expert witness, Dr. Steven Armentrout, who testified that a possibility existed that AIDS could be transmitted to schoolmates through yet undiscovered "vectors." However, five experts testified on behalf of Thomas that AIDS is not transmitted through casual contact, and the court affirmed the "solid science" (as Mr. Huber called it) and rejected Dr. Armentrout's argument.〔Charles H. Sanderson v. Culligan International Company, No. 04-3253, slip op. at 3 (7th Cir. July 11, 2005).〕 In 1999, Paul Ehrlich and others advocated public policies to improve the dissemination of valid environmental scientific knowledge and discourage junk science: "The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports offer an antidote to junk science by articulating the current consensus on the prospects for climate change, by outlining the extent of the uncertainties, and by describing the potential benefits and costs of policies to address climate change."〔Ehrlich, P. R., Wolff, G., Daily, G. C., Hughes, J. B., Daily, S., Dalton, M., et al. (1999). Knowledge and the environment. Ecological economics, 30, 267-284.〕 In a 2003 study about changes in environmental activism in the Crown of the Continent (Flathead) Ecosystem, Pedynowski noted that junk science can undermine the credibility of science over a much broader scale because misrepresentation by special interests casts doubt on more defensible claims and undermines the credibility of all research.〔Pedynowski, D. (2003). Toward a more 'Reflexive Environmentalism': Ecological knowledge and advocacy in the Crown of the Continent Ecosystem. Society and Natural Resources, 16, 807–825.〕 In his 2006 book ''Junk Science'',〔Agin, D. P. (2006). ''Junk Science: How politicians, corporations, and other hucksters betray us''. New York: Thomas Dunne Books.〕 Dan Agin emphasized two main causes of junk science: fraud, and ignorance. In the first case, Agin discussed falsified results in the development of organic transistors: "As far as understanding junk science is concerned, the important aspect is that both Bell Laboratories and the international physics community were fooled until someone noticed that noise records published by Jan Hendrik Schön in several papers were identical—which means physically impossible." In the second case, he cites an example that demonstrates ignorance of statistical principles in the lay press: "Since no such proof is possible (genetically modified food is harmless ), the article in The New York Times was what is called a "bad rap" against the U.S. Department of Agriculture—a bad rap based on a junk-science belief that it's possible to prove a null hypothesis."〔https://books.google.co.in/books?id=VxcjOL1j8iAC&pg=PA63&lpg=PA63&dq=the+article+in+The+New+York+Times+was+what+is+called+a+%22bad+rap%22+agriculture&source=bl&ots=H2RE1W0ywd&sig=Ry9M7YWZam924GI330eLKIwi9IU&hl=en&sa=X&ei=FJJAVaTLMc7HogTIpYGwBw&ved=0CB0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=the%20article%20in%20The%20New%20York%20Times%20was%20what%20is%20called%20a%20%22bad%20rap%22%20agriculture&f=false〕 Agin asks the reader to step back from the rhetoric, as "how things are labeled does not make a science junk science." In its place, he offers that junk science is ultimately motivated by the desire to hide undesirable truths from the public. 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Junk science」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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